By Syed Tajammul Abbas
Common people do not read treaties when bombs are falling. A storekeeper closes his store; a mother looks for and counts her children in a shelter; a doctor and nurse care for their patients on the night shift: everyone asks one question: when will help arrive? The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, signed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan on August 7, 2026, has that question underneath.
The agreement openly declares protection for all in a way that a military attack on any of the states will be treated as an attack on the trio. Each partner has a different power: Saudia has economic power, Pakistan has nukes, and Turkey is strong in military capability. According to the officials, the purpose of the pact is defensive; it is not offensive, and it’s not directed at anyone. But its timing shows its true agenda. No state rushes in to create new alliances when they feel protected.
Moreover, a country, even with a powerful strategic partner, can never blindly trust one partner for survival. In this world of realism, a superpower has its own affairs to look after, such as wars, economy, elections, and other priorities. In the time of crisis, it uncovers its mask and does what serves its interests. And the rest of the small states wait for what their fate brings.
Saudi Arabia a then strongest ally of the United States, realized their strategic importance in 2019 and 2026, when Iran attacked its most important oil and energy installations, and the United States didn’t show any military response in Saudi’s defense. Even Turkey, a decades-long member of NATO, assessed this development and doubted American reliability. The doubt becomes serious if the world’s strongest alliance member is looking for extra security insurance.
For Pakistan, it has already learned from history, when Washington halted military assistance shipments to both India and Pakistan during the 1965 war, which hurt Pakistan more than India because it heavily relied on U.S. arms supplies. In 1971, the U.S. engaged neither directly militarily nor decisively in the East Pakistan crisis. Hence, Pakistan sees these events as a warning about borrowed security.
Correspondingly, the new pact is vulnerable as well. It has been somewhat tested after the pact was signed when Pakistan didn’t respond with any military action in the first phase of missiles striking the Saudi East-West oil pipeline from Iraq and the Houthis’ attack in September 2026. No less important, during a war crisis and under pressure, no paper promise is fulfilled, no matter who the signatories are. Ultimately, Riyadh makes another mistake under different circumstances, whether it is a historic treaty or a defense agreement.
Furthermore, welcoming new members could strengthen the path. As, Pakistan’s foreign minister stated that mecca pact is open for new regional states. Turkey has already opened the doors for Egypt to join the pact, showing the distrust of EU membership. Pakistan is also struggling to deepen its defense cooperation with Egypt and Jordan. In other words, joining the pact by a majority of the Muslim states could make any aggressor think twice before taking any aggressive action.
In conclusion, every pact or treaty demands discipline. The members might have different priorities and enemies, so entering into the pact must depend on commitments such as combined military training, joint air and missile defense exercises, the use of the same weapons, ammunition, and military technology, and a clear rule for what attack is to be counted and when to respond when one member is invaded.
Additionally, decision-makers must view the issue through a humanistic lens, because societal resilience deepens defense cooperation. Not only can expensive weapons solidify the treaty, but also well-trained and skilled soldiers, a developed local industry to repair war machinery, operational healthcare centers for medical supplies, and, more importantly, a public that trusts its government is a strong defense in itself. Last but not least, security from foreign allies cannot be fully trusted or borrowed in full.
Syed Tajammul Abbas is a Pakistani researcher and writer currently pursuing an MS in Politics and Global Governance in Eurasia at HSE University, St. Petersburg, Russia. His research and writing interests include international relations, peace and security, governance, Gilgit-Baltistan affairs, climate politics, and Eurasian geopolitics, with his opinion pieces published in CFRPSAIL, Islamabad Post, The Friday Times, and Pamir Times.
Sources:
Atlantic Council;
CFR;
PBS NewsHour;
Al Jazeera;
GlobalSecurity.org;
IISS.
