Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly: A Five-Year Journey of Political Ups and Downs
By Tanveer Ahmed
Another chapter in the political history of Gilgit-Baltistan has come to an end. At the stroke of midnight on 24 November 2025, when the clock struck twelve, the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly completed its constitutional five-year term and stood dissolved. These five years were filled with political turbulence, party switching, legislative activity, votes of confidence and no-confidence, changes in leadership, and the persistent echo of public grievances. It was a period when, on one hand, aspirations for development existed, while on the other, shadows of political instability loomed large.
With the dissolution of the Assembly, a new political debate has begun in the region: Will the next elections be possible in February 2026, or do the ground realities of a snow-bound Gilgit-Baltistan demand a different timeline?
Dear readers, this article presents a detailed review of the region’s political history over the past five years: legislative work, political tug-of-war, changes of government, shifting loyalties of members, public expectations, and the emerging electoral scenario.
The three-day final session of the Assembly, chaired by Speaker Nazir Ahmad, was a reflection of both the active and inactive legislative activity witnessed over the previous five years. According to data from the Assembly Secretariat:
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73 laws were passed by the House
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6 federal laws were adapted for implementation in Gilgit-Baltistan
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112 resolutions were adopted on various public and administrative issues
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116 Call Attention Notices were submitted, raising concerns about delays in development projects, electricity crises, departmental negligence, deteriorating roads, lack of healthcare facilities, and other problems
These figures show that despite several storms of political instability, the pace of legislation somehow continued.
After the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly elections held on 20 November 2020, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) formed the government with the support of independent members. Khalid Khurshid Khan, who won from Astore-1, was nominated as Chief Minister by the then-party chairman and Prime Minister Imran Khan. High hopes were attached to him, especially regarding improvement in health, education, and infrastructure. However, after two years and six months, his tenure abruptly ended when he was disqualified in a fake degree case. His disqualification remained a major political topic from Balochistan to Gilgit, and even today political circles debate whether the decision was legal or politically motivated.
After Khalid Khurshid’s removal, rifts emerged within PTI. Several members who were part of his own cabinet suddenly formed a forward bloc. Among them were former Home Minister Shams-ul-Haq Lone, Dilshad Bano, Suraiya Zaman, former Speaker Amjad Hussain Zaidi, Raja Nasir Ali Khan, Syed Sohail Abbas Shah, Mushtaq Hussain, Raja Azam, and Abdul Hameed. They recognized Haji Gulbar Khan as their parliamentary leader and, in coalition with PPP, PML-N, and JUI-F, formed a new mixed government led by Haji Gulbar Khan. Thus, the Assembly completed its remaining two-and-a-half years under a second Chief Minister.
Political observers say Khalid Khurshid’s disqualification not only shook the government structure but also exposed deep internal divisions within PTI. Many ministers joined the forward bloc to retain their portfolios and reposition themselves in the changing political landscape. On the other hand, some members remained loyal to the party without any ministerial position. These included Raja Zakaria Maqpoon, Javed Ali Manwa, Kulsoom Farman, Wazir Saleem, and Colonel (Retd) Obaidullah Baig, who stood by the party even in difficult times.
Another interesting chapter was the successful no-confidence motion against former Speaker Amjad Zaidi, after which he had to step down. Nazir Ahmad was elected as the new Speaker, and Saadia Danish of the Pakistan Peoples Party became the first-ever female Deputy Speaker of Gilgit-Baltistan—a historic milestone for women’s political participation in the region.
During Khalid Khurshid’s tenure, the Assembly also passed a highly controversial bill that increased the salaries and privileges of the Chief Minister, ministers, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, parliamentary secretaries, and assembly members by 300%. For ordinary citizens, this decision was hard to understand, especially at a time when the electricity crisis continued steadily, wheat subsidy issues were mounting, government institutions were under scrutiny, and inflation had broken people’s backs. Political analysts called it a decision contrary to public expectations.
The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly consists of 33 members: 24 general seats, 6 reserved seats for women, and 3 technocrat seats. This is the same House that shaped the political, social, and administrative direction of the region over the past five years.
Chief Election Commissioner Raja Shahbaz Khan has announced that the next general elections will be held in February 2026. However, the announcement immediately sparked debate because February is the peak of the harsh winter in Gilgit-Baltistan. Upper areas receive several feet of snow, roads are blocked, movement becomes impossible in many places, and access to numerous polling stations is cut off. Political analysts therefore consider May or June 2026 more suitable, when the weather is better, roads are open, and voter turnout is likely to be higher. Holding elections in winter would adversely affect turnout, especially among women and elderly voters.
All these factors pose a major challenge for the Election Commission.
The increase in the number of laws and resolutions passed during these five years is a positive development, but the real question remains: Were these laws actually implemented? Did they bring any real change in people’s lives? These are areas that require further investigation.
Two Chief Ministers, forward blocs, no-confidence motions, and the distribution of ministries all proved that political leadership remained under pressure from personal and party loyalties rather than focusing on institutional strength. Many projects were initiated that will reach completion over time, but the government failed to reduce the electricity crisis, road construction in several areas faced delays, the state of healthcare remained unsatisfactory, and the desired attention was not given to tourism infrastructure. These are the sectors where the next government will have to focus, especially.
Without better governance and institutional reforms, the dream of development in Gilgit-Baltistan cannot be realized. There is a need to improve governance standards and strengthen democratic processes within political parties. The culture of repeatedly switching loyalties must end.
The question of whether Gilgit-Baltistan will finally receive full constitutional representation and rights remains at the center of political debate.
This five-year term of the Assembly was, in fact, a political classroom. It taught us that political stability is impossible without strong leadership; lack of party discipline proves damaging; legislation is only useful when it is implemented, and there must be harmony between public expectations and the actions of elected representatives.
Elections should be held when people can easily participate in the democratic process.
Now that the Assembly has been dissolved, a new political race has begun across the region. Which party will come to power? Who will be the next Chief Minister? And in which direction will the politics of Gilgit-Baltistan head in the next five years? The answers to these questions will be provided by the elections, whether they take place in freezing February or after the seasons change and spring arrives in the home of mountains.
