When Brotherhood Broke: Sectarianism in Gilgit-Baltistan After 1988
By Sibtain Haider
Gilgit Baltistan, a region located in the northern region of Pakistan, has always had different religious communities living in it. Before 1988 the tensions in the region were between different religious groups rather than between the two sects of Islam, Shia and Sunni, who before the conflict were living in peace, harmony and brotherhood. However, the peace and harmony between the two sects was not everlasting and the seeds of hatred were sowed in the hearts of the people after a violent episode known as the Gilgit massacre that happened in 1988. It completely distanced the people and they began seeing each other as enemies rather than brothers.
The massacre of 1988 marked a major shift in the region’s history giving rise to long-lasting and persistent religious conflict between the two sects. Since the incident, the division between the sects has been persistent leading to tensions and causing social, political and economic unrest in the region. The people of Gilgit Baltistan are still dealing with the aftermath of the incident at the price of sacrificing their peace.
Before 1988, the people of the sects lived in harmony. Historical documents and evidence show that although there were some minor conflicts and disagreements between the two sects, there was no organised form of hostility or hatred. The two sects lived happily sharing the same neighbourhood, doing business with each other freely, and intermarriages between the two sects were quite common. The 1988 massacre was truly the main trigger for the continuous violence. Villages were burned, people were killed, and the state failed to provide protection. This created deep resentment among the communities, especially the Shia community, which believed the state was favouring and protecting the Sunni community.
The Zia ul Haq Islamization policies were an important cause. He wanted to impose Sunni-oriented Islam throughout the country and institutionalise it. During his era, the rise of anti-Shia groups also seemed a state-supported act. The Shia community feared that its sectarian identity would be threatened and started to unite and resist. The opening of the Karakoram Highway also contributed to sectarian violence. It led to the influx and settlement of non-local Sunni population in the region. The Shia community believed this act was done to disturb the Shia majority. The abolishment of the state subject rule led to the Shia community feeling politically and socially alienated.
External ideologies and influences also played a major role. After the Iranian revolution in 1979 the Shia organisations in Gilgit Baltistan became more active. To counter the Iranian influence, Saudi Arabia started funding the Deobandi madrassas. These two forces promoted their motives and ideologies through the help of religious institutions, clerics and literature. The opening of the Karakoram Highway also led to students going to different cities where they studied in sectarian madrassas and developed strong sectarian identities.
The lack of a proper education system in the region is another cause. In Gilgit Baltistan even today Shia parents favour to send their children to Shia-managed schools and Sunni parents favour to send their children to Sunni-managed schools. The curriculum is different in Shia and Sunni schools. Teachers are not properly trained to handle religious diversity, which develops a one-sided narrative. Madrassas play a key role where strong sectarian literature is taught, leading to people developing strong sectarian identities instead of a single and collective Islamic identity.
The long-term persistence of sectarian conflict after 1988 can be seen in the assassination of Agha Ziauddin in 2005, the Gilgit skirmishes in 2009, the 2012 Chilas and Kohistan bus incidents, and the 2023 blasphemy case. These repeated incidents show that sectarian tension is ongoing, not temporary, and it still shapes the region’s political and social life.
Sectarian tensions in Gilgit Baltistan have developed through a combination of factors: state policies, external influences, differences in religious beliefs, and past grievances all working together. These factors are not separate; they affect each other. Anger related to past incidents makes people ready to fight for their sects. Government actions made one side feel marginalised and alienated. External forces continue to send ideologies and funding. Continuous tensions in the region cannot be explained by a single factor.
Solving sectarian tensions in Gilgit Baltistan requires solving immediate problems and adopting an all-embracing long approach involving all segments of society. The problem regarding political representation must be solved so that people of different sects may not feel marginalised. Every sect should be given equal representation in the local government with constitutional guarantee of protection of their rights and freedom to their sectarian practices. People should be encouraged to trust institutions like police and courts. An independent investigation body should be made to deal with sectarianism and punish those responsible.
Changes in the educational curriculum should promote an anti-sectarian approach including beliefs from both sides. Teachers must be trained not to give biased opinions. Madrassas must be kept under surveillance and their funding sources monitored to prevent foreign influence. Sectarian mixed settlements should be promoted so people may begin living in harmony and viewing each other as neighbours rather than rivals. Discussion and dialogue should take place between the sects to put aside differences and work together for the prosperity of the region. Media and social media can play an important part in peace promotion. Women must be actively included in solutions because they can solve problems in ways men cannot.
Sectarian peace in Gilgit Baltistan is entirely achievable, but it demands political will, justice for past violence, and a return to the region’s legacy of pluralism. The massacre of 1988 didn’t just start a conflict or a cycle of hatred, but it broke something major, the brotherhood that had lasted for centuries. The hatred is neither natural nor inevitable; it is kept alive by many forces. The seeds of peace already exist. They need protection from external manipulation and nourishment through inclusive development and truth-based healing.
